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How Irish Propaganda Operates

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THE LONG READ: Ireland is neither a totalitarian state, nor even a dictatorship. Nonetheless, the propaganda of a nebulous ruling class has forged a dominant consensus, in which two centre-right parties compete for power. Across a print media duopoly and national broadcaster well-honed techniques of social control divert attention and sow confusion, while subtly instilling dogmas. The education system also plays a vital role in propagating social norms and channeling aspirations. The dominant consensus is not doctrinally extreme, at least by international comparisons, but it insulates embedded wealth in the form of land and property from taxation, stimulates demand for mortgages among the young, and protects the farming sector from environmental oversight.

I – We have ways of making you think…

As Nazi Germany’s Minister of Propaganda, Josef Goebbels had one major difficulty: a taste for dark-haired beauties. His marriage to the perfectly-Aryan-looking Magda (with whom he would later ‘loyally’ commit suicide inside Hitler’s bunker in 1945, after they first murdered all five of their sleeping children) became a sham. Poor Josef could not help taking advantage of the brunette actresses over whom his role effectively gave dominion, controlling movie sets that were a Harvey Weinstein paradise.

In particular, Goebbels conceived a passion for a Czech – untermensch – beauty Lída Baarová, which almost drove him to end the marriage in 1938. Hitler himself intervened demanding his propaganda chief remain with his wife and children. The mask concealing the hypocrisy could not be allowed to slip.

Despite occasional differences of opinion, Hitler realised that Goebbels was crucial to the smooth functioning of the Third Reich. While Leni Riefenstahl delivered innovative blockbuster effects, Goebbels genius lay in delivering subtle cues, released under a comfort blanket of light entertainment.

Goebbels believed that maintaining a feel-good-factor to be the essential role of propaganda. He did not even care to see der Fuhrer appearing in cinema news reels. In a totalitarian society a subservient people should not be over-exposed to politics.

He had immersed himself in the golden era of the silver screen, expressing particular fondness for the 1937 Disney classic ‘Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs’. Overtly political films were not only useless, but counterproductive, he believed. The depravity of ‘the Jew’ should be integrated into pictures which carried an audience along, such as the lively 1940 ‘historical’ drama Jud Süss, ‘Jew Suss’.

This contrasted with the heavy-handed style of Der Ewige Jude (1940) ‘the Eternal Jew’, directed by Fritz Hippler, which depicted Jews alongside rats inside the Warsaw Ghetto. Goebbels correctly predicted this would bomb in the box office (BBC, 1992).

Light entertainment diverts, as does outright nonsense, which George Orwell referred to as ‘Duckspeak’ in his novel Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949). Its effect is to lower the intellectual level of conversation, spread confusion and allow the speaker to evade responsibility: a tactic increasingly familiar in our era of Post-Truth.

In the novel the official language of Oceania is overtly-propagandist Newspeak, but Duckspeak’s capacity to accommodate contradictions, even midway through a sentence, was much valued by the ruling regime.

There have of course been societies such as North Korea’s, or Mao’s China when children informed on their parents, where freedom of expression is eradicated and replaced with Newspeak, and perhaps Duckspeak, to such an extent that individuality is effectively extinguished. One result is a severe lack of economic dynamism.

Market economies require free-thinking innovators in order to thrive; a small resistance movement even survived in Nazi Germany because Newspeak had not entirely permeated that society. ‘Hard’ propaganda – or Newspeak – is thus only of limited value. Instead the ‘soft’ propaganda of light entertainment and, increasingly, Duckspeak – including the obfuscation by politicians who ‘duck out’ of answering questions – is more generally available to support indispensable fictions in liberal democracies, like the canard of opportunity-for-all. Moreover, even in democratic societies there are educational filters screening for obedience.

Variants of these influences can be identified in Ireland, where great wealth subsists alongside grinding long-term poverty. The society is generally tolerant, but growing inequality is unraveling the social fabric, and leading to a potential scapegoating of ethnic minorities.

II – Ireland’s Two-Party Consensus

An aging cohort of predominantly male, property-owning, car-driving, privately-schooled, health-insured professionals – lawyers, accountants, doctors, financial service providers and other high-earning business people – form the dominant interest in the Irish state. The prevailing orthodoxy is not decided on around club tables, but emerges out of shared economic interests. A passive propaganda is expressed through media’s dependence on advertising revenue, and in the policies of the two dominant political parties.

A recent poll showed seventy-percent of the highest (AB) social class support one or other of the two main centre-right political parties, in particular Fine Gael (Irish Times MRBI poll, October 16, 2018), now the ‘natural party of government’ for the dominant interest.

The ‘bricks and mortar’ of property remains, overwhelmingly, their preferred asset, with many acting as landlords. Thus, according to economist David McWilliams the wealthiest top five-percent in the country own over forty-percent of its wealth, with eight-five per cent of that held in property and land.

The key outcome of Irish propaganda, and we may call it that, is to keep the economy on an even keel of steady growth, and rising rents, while ensuring that wealth, mostly property, is subjected to minimal taxation. Thus, in the last financial year a mere €500 million out of total tax receipts of over €50 billion, derived from land or property (McWilliams, 2018).

The consensus also insists that it is necessary to keep a lid on government expenditure on public services (most of which the elite do not use), so as to avoid the over-heating of Bertie Ahern’s ‘Boomenomics’  before the Crash of 2008. Then, however, low taxation on income and wealth went hand-in-hand with spending increases, and public sector ‘benchmarking’. The ineptitude of these policies consigned Fianna Fáil to its present subaltern role, in which it now flaunts a more centrist approach.

In a clear signal to the dominant interest, Minister for Finance Michael Noonan launched his Budget 2016 claiming the days of ‘boom and bust’ would be consigned to the history books. Throughout his tenure (2011-2017) no serious public housing initiatives were embarked on. This would have jeopardised the recovery in rental values.

Now the Oireachtas is considering the Home Building Finance Ireland Bill, which proposes:

to provide for the establishment of a company called Home Building Finance Ireland (HBFI), to increase the availability of debt funding for residential development in the State. HBFI will provide financing to developers seeking to build viable residential development projects in Ireland on commercial, market equivalent terms and conditions.

In other words, the state will underwrite private developers, who are guided by the motive of profit, to build much-needed accommodation, as opposed to take on this responsibility itself in the wider public interest.

Irish Propaganda also delivers essential buy-in from young people, who purchase property at inflated prices. Prior to the Crash Dublin house prices soared to such insane heights that it became more expensive than New York or London. Dublin prices are set to reach boom-time levels this year according to Pat Davitt, head of the Institute of Professional Auctioneers and Valuers (IPAV), with an average family home costing over half a million euros. Meanwhile average Dublin rents now exceed the highest rents seen under the Celtic Tiger by 30%. This all means those landholders, and institutions, that weathered the storm have seen huge dividends.

Any new property purchaser instantly becomes a stakeholder in the consensus. The buy-in of upwardly-mobile youth not only maintains market demand, but also brings political support for the consensus. Political parties threatening the ‘stability’ under the centre-right axis are undermined as the ‘loony’ left, or co-opted and discredited, as was the case with Labour, the Greens and now the Independent Alliance.

Importantly, up to fifteen percent of the population are foreign-born nationals, and, apart from UK nationals, do not enjoy a right to vote in general elections, unless they take out expensive Irish citizenship. Unlike native-born Irish, who before the Crash in 2004 had the highest rate of private home ownership in the OECD at 82%, (declining to 69% in 2014), many come from countries where renting for life is the norm, and may not wish to reside here long-term.

Politically, this large cohort only exerts influence via multinational employers, who face demands for wage increases due to spiralling rents. At the bottom of the heap are unskilled (or at least unqualified) non-EU migrants, many of whom are on short-term (generally student) visas, permitted to remain insofar as they serve an economic purpose.

III – The Crucial Constituency

The elite’s longstanding hold on power, via the two main political parties, relies on a crucial constituency of farmers and their extended families, who are evenly distributed throughout the state, apart from Dublin. Although continually declining in number, they are overwhelmingly native Irish – thus enfranchised – vociferous campaigners, and of a vintage that tends to vote. This ensures their supposed interests, more accurately those of comprador multinationals that trade their commodities, are protected by Irish Propaganda.

A remarkable eighty-percent of farmers, working on almost eighty-five thousand separate farms, support either Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil  according to that recent poll, making the former especially reliant on their allegiance, even where this cuts across the national interest on reducing GHG emissions in order to avoid up to €600 million every year in EU fines after 2020. Agriculture produces almost a third of total national emissions, yet contributes a mere 1.7% of carbon taxes.

The farming sector, however, comprises an increasingly fragile alliance, with the average annual income on dairy farms in the region of eighty-five thousand euros, but only fifteen thousand on the average dry cattle (beef) farms on average, all of which, derives from subsidies.

An urban working class of unskilled, semi-skilled and unemployed, have been mollified by comparatively generous social welfare payments, but is increasing impoverished by the scarcity and cost of property, including rents, and a failing system of public health. Eighteen to twenty-five-year-olds are discriminated against by lower social welfare payments, but tend not to turn out for elections, and are inclined to emigrate, so can easily be ignored.

Preserving a share of working class support remains important, in terms of optics at least, for the two main political parties, especially Fianna Fail, which more effectively maintains a charade of being a party for all classes. Unlike the farming identity, however, Ireland does not have an historic working class consciousness and approaches to the national question have tended to sway voters. Also, while farmers have clear objectives in terms of maintaining a subsidy regime, and avoiding environmental regulation, the working class is more easily distracted from establishing fixed political aims.

The widespread protests over water charges in 2014 was one of the few occasions when the dam broke, and discontents spilled onto the streets. But this single issue could be conceded, and sustained engagement with politics avoided. Yet, according to Social Justice Ireland, last year 790,000 people were living in poverty, of whom 250,000 were children.

Similar to farmers, civil service workers, including senior teachers, are kept sweet by generous pay and conditions, with a salary average of over sixty thousand US dollars per year, comparing favourably with other OECD countries. As with the the social welfare system, new entrants have been discriminated against, with many forced to emigrate during the Crash, but they count for less politically than their senior colleagues. The current modus vivendi between the teaching unions and the ruling parties is reflected in the terminal decline of the Labour Party, their traditional voice in the Dáil .

The new Minister for Education Joe McHugh recently described secondary teachers as being overburdened by ‘initiative overload’, which might come as a surprise considering they enjoy more than sixteen weeks of holidays per year, and curricula that have changed little in decades. Secondary school teachers play an important role in upholding the consensus and must be kept on side.

The spiral of inequality, globally and nationally is, however, accelerating, and the coalition of interests maintaining the consensus is unstable. Multinationals siphon off vast sums from what one Tesco executive famously referred to as ‘Treasure Island’, with consumer prices 12% higher than in the UK, while some avoid corporation taxes altogether. Meanwhile the state labours under a debt of over €200 billion after a bailout the terms of which mostly protected the interests of the elite, while working to the detriment of the poor and the young.

The Irish economy is vulnerable to global financial shocks – with just fifty large firms accounting for three-quarters of all exports – a recrudescence of nationalism after Brexit, and the growing obsolescence of many forms of work, including our current farming model.

The ruling elite is intellectually rudderless, and only knows the way of economic growth-without-end, where ecological constraints are ignored, and in which the retail cartels make a mockery of the notion of a free market. The centre-right cannot hold for long, but in the meantime the wheels of Irish Propaganda keep turning.

IV – The Propaganda Model – Education

Secondary school students are encouraged to take subjects that will prepare them for work in multinational corporations, with an emphasis on science and technology, rather than arts, humanities or social sciences. Philosophy is unavailable as a secondary school subject, while history faces the chop.

In the state school system, which I observed as a supply teacher, rebellious students are removed from obedient peers and housed en bloc in ‘pass’ classes or entire schools, which are little more than advanced creches, or holding facilities. There behaviours and performances deteriorate in the absence of positive role models. Ill-equipped for work or even social life, the dole queue awaits, or worse. Importantly, this underclass is unable to articulate their grievances.

The essential breeding ground of the dominant elite is found in the paradoxically state-funded system of private education, in which the state pays the salaries of teachers, costing around €90 million per year. This ensures a private education is not prohibitively expensive, with over twenty-five thousand students enrolling in 2017.

In these institutions lasting ties are formed, and the best preparation for the Leaving Certificate offered, which is generally a code to be cracked. Behavioural problems among middle class students are less pronounced, in my experience, but where overt rebelliousness or just a lack of conformity is apparent authorities employ well-honed methods of control. The sport of rugby emphasises the collective in a test of manhood, with dissenters often subjected to homophobic slurs.

As far back as the 1920s, one of the leading Dublin Catholic secondary schools for boys of its time, O’Connell School on Richmond Street, recommended its pupils in the following terms: ‘Your ‘Richmond Street’ boy makes a good official. In the first place he possess the necessary academic qualifications to place him high on the examination lists. He has, in addition, certain qualities which make him a good colleague. This is an essential point. However clever an official he may be, he has to pull with the team … (McCullagh, 2010, p.10)’ The abiding ambition of most all-male private schools remains not only good examination results, but also to develop a cast of mind disposed to “pull with the team”, rather than swim against the tide. Jesuit institutions have led the way in this regard.

Widespread single gender education keeps more troublesome and sports-obsessed male adolescents apart from females, who streak ahead academically. But when both enter the workforce the demands of motherhood generally count against women working the long hours necessary for career advancement in most of the elite professions. ‘Early-rising’, workaholic male professionals remain the praetorian guard of the consensus, and insist the tax system should maintain economic ‘competitiveness’.

Irish class boundaries are not impermeable, or based on race or creed – as Leo Varadkar’s background illustrates – but it is increasingly difficult for anyone who is not from an elevated social background to rise up through the educational ranks to become a lawyer, doctor or even a banker.

For example a young barrister after a minimum of four years full-time study, is required to work without a salary for a further two while he ‘devils’ under a senior colleague, thereby excluding a large proportion of the population. That profession is bulk suppliers of the country’s judiciary, which goes some way towards explaining the Court’s historic deference to property interests (notably: In the matter of Article 26 of the Constitution and in the Matter of The Housing (Private Rented Dwellings) Bill, 1981).

Privileged classes, nonetheless, still produce offspring with intellectual or artistic aspirations that survive the stultifying educational system. As the economic benefits of the humanities are now grudgingly recognised these characteristics are indulged with financial support from state and private sources, albeit via laborious application processes. But ideally, the ‘creative’ is a person who works in an advertising firm. Due to high rents, artists are compelled into becoming ‘art-repreneurs’, and are conscripted into marketing of the state as a place to do business.

Academia once offered a platform for meaningful critiques of Irish society, but little interaction with the public now occurs, as excessive specialisation has brought abstraction to most subjects. As in other countries, young academics are required to ‘publish or perish’ prolix articles addressed to their peers, leaving little time for political engagement.

In 2012 Tom Garvin, Emeritus Professor of Politics decried the dismantling of prior ‘semi-democratic’ structures in University College Dublin, claiming: ‘internal representative structures and freedom of speech were closed down and replaced with Soviet-style top-down “councils” that passively received and passed on instructions from on high’. As non-academic staff began to outnumber academics Garvin found ‘an indescribable grey philistinism’ characterise the public culture of the college ‘and a hideous management-speak’ drowned out ‘coherent communication’.

V – The Propaganda Model – Print Media

The Irish media is subject to global trends, but also internal dynamics. The reputation of journalists as crotchety, difficult people, so often depicted on screen, belies how most come from the right schools. The journalist that questions dominant assumptions is depicted as a conspiracy theorist, but this cautionary distrust of authority is now rarely found.

Print media in Ireland is on its knees as young readers, in particular, opt for online content, which has resulted in significant redundancies, with precarious freelancing the norm for new entrants.

Denis O’Brien, who a judicial tribunal previously concluded had paid £500,000 to a government minister in exchange for his assistance in securing a mobile telephone licence, controls a great swathe of Irish media, including the Irish Independent, the Sunday Independent – the widest-circulating daily and Sunday newspapers – thirteen regional publications, commercial radio channels, Newstalk (the Orwellian association seemingly lost on them) and Today FM.

O’Brien’s outlets are generally pro-business, or more accurately pro-big business, and often critical of the institutions of the state and even individual ministers, but generally supports the dominant interest with selective regurgitation of government Newspeak.

For example, the headline of the Independent on October 18th 2018 ran as follows: ‘Varadkar’s Government in crisis after one minister resigns, another faces fight for survival’. The article simulates the drama of Fianna Fáil calling time on the coalition, thereby maintaining the fiction of two opposing forces – or only two options in the event of an election. But the consensus is woven into the piece with the reminder: ‘The instability has created a major crisis for the Government after a Budget that was well received by most sectors’.

In contrast, Social Justice Ireland argued that the budget disproportionately benefited high-earners, noting: ‘Budget 2019 fails to make any notable impact on Ireland’s entrenched inequalities and fails to tackle any of the major challenges the country currently faces.’

The ‘Indo’ also stimulates demand among upwardly-mobile youth for property and health insurance. Thus the headline on the 19th of October 2018 read: ‘Families to save in home loan and health shake-up’. Their consumer affairs correspondent announced: ‘Families are to enjoy the benefits of a price war in health insurance, and increased competition with even more entrants into the mortgage market’.

Mostly, however, it provides the mainstays of effective propaganda: light entertainment, especially blanket sport coverage, celebrity gossip and sexual titillation.

There is only one other genuinely daily national newspaper – the Irish Times – which has hoovered up the the Irish Examiner and regional titles to create a duopoly. It is considered, and styles itself, ‘the paper of record’, but rarely conducts meaningful investigations, tending only to print sensitive material once it has been aired elsewhere, such as when reporting of harassment of employees by Michael Colgan the former director of the Gate Theatre. The catastrophic purchase of at the height of the last boom makes it a vested interest in the property market.

Often seen as a bastion of Irish democracy, its credibility was undermined by the hosting of unmarked advertorials of the government’s Project Ireland 2040 plan.

The imprint of government Newspeak was also evident on the morning before the last budget was announced with the headline ‘Significant spending increases for housing and health’ emblazoned across the front cover. Importantly, it gave a positive spin on the budget, which could be seen from every newsstand in the country, ensuring, even if the paper itself was never read, it maintained the ambient feel-good-factor. Presumably the positive spin was provided as a quid pro quo for the scoop, or strategic leak.

The fingerprints of the dominant interest were also apparent in the opening words of an article by chief political reporter Pat Leahy cautioning the following: ‘First, do no harm. Any finance minister should heed the primary precept of the Hippocratic oath, and ensure that their fiscal and economic prescriptions do not damage the Government, or the economy.’ “Doing no harm” entails support for the status quo and avoidance of the issues of social exclusion and sustainability.

The ‘Old Lady of D’Olier Street’ still provides a platform for left-leaning and progressive journalists, including Fintan O’Toole, Una Mullally and David McWilliams, but this does not imply relentless focus on Ireland’s economic and social structures. Their emphasis has tended to be on identity politics, issues of individual liberty, particularly reproductive rights, gender equality, and from O’Toole the ongoing dramas of Trump and Brexit. Only McWilliams consistently nails the social structures.

Ultimately, the paper cannot afford to affront AB readers or farmers with ‘shrill’ left-wing commentaries or sustained campaigns, but it maintains the illusion of being progressive.

It has also dumbed-down considerably recently in the face of ‘commercial realities’, in other words a high salary overhang. Stodgy book reviews have been marginalised, with increasing emphasis on business, vox pop reporting, consumer affairs and, as usual, lavish sport coverage: all of these fit with the propaganda model of distraction with light entertainment.

We rely on UK publications to break stories on issues such as labour abuses in the fishing industry, the substitution of horse meat for beef, and the recent scandal of unmarked government advertorials. Serious interrogation of the role of the Gardaí has been conducted at a remove from the mainstream.

Two small left-leaning magazines, Phoenix and Village, offer satire and dissent, but the former is not available for free online and thus has limited political clout. The latter is yet to develop a viable commercial model, but at least upheld freedom of expression and Dáil privilege by publishing (along with the record of Catherine Murphy’s speech accusing Denis O’Brien of corruption, after he had taken out an injunction against RTÉ, and when the Irish Times took fright.

VI – The Propaganda Model – the State Broadcaster

The state broadcaster receives a mandatory licence fee from the public, but still depends on advertising revenue to remain solvent. Like the Irish Times, RTÉ is a broad church, but light entertainment is the dominant note, with vox pop phone-ins like Joe Duffy’s Liveline offering an outlet for diverting Duckspeakers, while Ray D’Arcy and Ryan Tubridy provide light entertainment distraction throughout the day on the main news and current affairs channel Radio 1.

Tubridy is Ireland’s highest-paid broadcaster, and often its public face as host of the prime time, Friday night ‘The Late Late Show’. A scion of a well known Fianna Fáil family, he has assumed a seemingly unassailable position. He rarely courts controversy, albeit he has made vindictive comments about cyclists, and once compared breastfeeding in public to urinating.

Tubridy specializes in tugging at the heart strings of viewers, but in such way that rarely damages the government, or commercial partners. For example he gave huge prominence to the plight of Emma Mhic Mhathúna, the late tragic victim of apparent negligence on the part of the HSE, a faceless bureaucracy at a convenient remove from the Minister for Health, who weighed in with trenchant criticism himself. The tale might easily encourage someone to purchase private medical insurance.

RTÉ mostly anesthetises the population with a light entertainment diet of sport, soaps and news-entertainment, with shows such as ‘Claire Byrne Live’ offering a small screen outlet for Duckspeak. At the end of one episode last year, during which evidence for human-influenced Climate Change was ‘debated’, thirty-four percent of respondents did not believe this would pose a serious threat in their lifetimes, while nine-percent did not know. Damien O’Reilly has also provided an outlet for Ryanair boss Michael O’Leary to express this Duckspeak of Climate Denial, the farming lobby no doubt delighted by this muddying of the waters.

Elsewhere, what passes for news and current affairs programming generally consists of assessments of tweedledum and tweedledee politics, or commentaries on controversies stirred up in the print media. A case in point was in the recent Presidential election when the previously unknown, and unsupported, Peter Casey made a demeaning comment towards Travellers which was greeted with such ‘outrage’ that he became a serious candidate in the election, providing plenty of fodder for Joe Duffy and others.

Ironically, the most serious political criticism is found in the weekly comedy show ‘Callan’s Kicks’, where a degree of latitude is permitted. But as Theodore Zeldin explains comedy can actually have the effect of reinforcing conformity ‘by being its safety valve’. He points out that carnivals, such as the medieval festival of fools, ‘have throughout history made fun of authority, and turned hierarchy upside down’, but ‘did so only for a few days (Zeldin, 2015, p.177) ’


Ireland is a free country without an oppressive secret police force systematically monitoring our communications. Despite the chilling effect of current defamation law, freedom of expression is enshrined in the Constitution and European Charter. Nonetheless as George Orwell put it in his proposed preface to Animal Farm (1945): ‘Unpopular ideas can be silenced, and inconvenient facts kept dark, without the need for any official ban’. He observed:

At any given moment there is an orthodoxy, a body of ideas which it is assumed that all right-thinking people will accept without question. It is not exactly forbidden to say this, that or the other, but it is ‘not done’ to say it, just as in mid-Victorian times it was ‘not done’ to mention trousers in the presence of a lady. Anyone who challenges the prevailing orthodoxy finds himself silenced with surprising effectiveness. A genuinely unfashionable opinion is almost never given a fair hearing, either in the popular press or in the highbrow periodicals.

Irish propaganda maintains a dominant consensus demanding low taxation on wealth, including property, steady economic growth including bringing rising rents, buy-in from young property purchasers, and insulation of the agricultural sector from criticism. This is achieved through straightforward manipulation of the media and education, but also in the use of light entertainment as distraction, as well as through the peddling of nonsense. With the advent of the Internet we are seeing new sinister ways of achieving these objectives, which this article has not covered, but which Ireland cannot be immune from.

The new medium need not necessarily be feared however. The Internet, including social media, can counter propaganda, by allowing like-minded communities to converge and orchestrate campaigns. Propaganda can easily be exposed and alternative viewpoints expressed. But we must guard against its capacity for distraction.

The most important weapon against propaganda is education, both childhood and lifelong. A priority should be reform of that sector in Ireland: first by ending subsidised private education; then placing greater emphasis on the enquiring humanities and encouraging the arts; before addressing the decline of higher learning institutions.

The failure of the water charges campaign to generate long-term political engagement suggests that any new campaign should be more direct and focused in highlighting wealth inequality. A campaign for housing as a basic right, guaranteed by the state should become the main progressive objective.


George Orwell, ‘Freedom of the Press’, 1943.
David McCullagh, The Reluctant Taoiseach:  A Biography of John A. Costello, Gill and McMillan, 2010.
David McWilliams, ‘We Have Ways of Making You Think’, October 9, 2018.
Theodore Zeldin, The Hidden Pleasures of Life: A New Way of Remembering the Past and Imagining the Future, Maclehouse Press, London, 2015.
BBC Documentary ‘We Have Ways of Making You Think’, Documentary, 1992.

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